The Important Thing Is to Be Good at Learning

A review of the fighting course traversed by our Party over the past 50 years confirms this truth: When our Party departs from Chairman Mao's leadership and goes against Mao Tsetung Thought and Chairman Mao's line, it suffers setbacks and defeats; when our Party closely follows Chairman Mao, acts in accordance with Mao Tsetung Thought and implements Chairman Mao's line, it advances and triumphs. Comrade Mao Tsetung's works are the most comprehensive summary of the theory and practice of the Chinese Communist Party in leading the revolution and construction. In summing up the historical experience of our Party, Comrade Mao Tsetung said in 1939: "To sum up our eighteen years of experience and our current new experience on the basis of our understanding of the unity between the theory of Marxism-Leninism and the practice of the Chinese revolution, and to spread this experience throughout the Party, so that our Party becomes as solid as steel and avoids repeating past mistakes - such is our task."

Of the historical experience of our Party summed up by Chairman Mao, what in particular should the whole Party pay attention to and study today?

1. It is necessary to adhere to "the consistent ideological principle of our Party," namely, integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution.

The history of our Party tells us: In his great practice in leading the Chinese revolution, Chairman Mao has always adhered to the world outlook of dialectical and historical materialism and used the Marxist-Leninist stand, viewpoint and method to make thorough investigations and studies of the political and economic status of the various classes in Chinese society and their inter-relations, make a concrete analysis of the conditions of our enemies, our friends and ourselves, scientifically sum up positive and negative historical experience and correctly formulate the Party's line and policies; he has thus inherited, defended and developed Marxism-Leninism and led the whole Party, the whole army and the people of the whole country in their triumphant advance. But the divorce of theory and practice and the split between the subjective and the objective are the ideological characteristics of Chen Tu-hsiu, Wang Ming, Liu Shao-chi and other sham Marxists. Proceeding from their idealist and metaphysical world outlook, they opposed and distorted dialectical and historical materialism, opposed investigation and study and class analysis, and opposed the unity of theory and practice, either from the Right or from the "Left." They, too, talked about Marxism-Leninism and even pretended to be Marxist theoreticians, but only to bluff and hoodwink worker-peasant cadres and innocent young people, whereas they themselves never intended to act in accordance with Marxism but were always anti-Marxist. Hence their words and deeds inevitably ran counter to the objective laws of social development, to the desires of the masses and to Chairman Mao's revolutionary line which correctly reflects objective laws and the desires of the people, and they were bound to go bankrupt in the practice of revolution. For a time, some of our comrades were unable to distinguish between the correct and incorrect lines because, as far as the subjective factor was concerned, they had not read Marxist-Leninist works or, though having read some, they were unable to apply the fundamental ideological principle stressed time and time again by Comrade Mao Tsetung in observing and handling problems and remould their subjective world in the process of transforming the objective world. This is a most profound historical lesson all Communist Party members, old and new, must always bear in mind.

In accordance with Chairman Mao's teaching "Read and study seriously and have a good grasp of Marxism," comrades throughout the Party, and primarily senior cadres, are now conscientiously studying works by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin and Chairman Mao's works, and studying the Party's historical experience over the past 50 years and its current new experience. The integration of the cadres' study movement with that of the masses has produced positive results and will continue to do so. We must persist in this. In reading and studying, it is essential to keep to the principle of integrating theory with practice. It is essential to read and study with problems in mind, problems arising in the three great revolutionary movements of class struggle, the struggle for production and scientific experiment, and problems in the Chinese and the world revolution. This means combining reading with investigation and study and with the summing up of experience, combining the study of historical experience with the present-day struggle and the criticism of opportunism in the past with the criticism of modern revisionism. Since countrywide liberation, Chairman Mao has led the whole Party in making a number of criticisms - from the criticism of The Life of Wu Hsun and the bourgeois ideology reflected in the study of The Dream of the Red Chamber, the criticism of Hu Shih, the Hu Feng counter-revolutionary clique and the bourgeois Rightists to the criticism of the Liu Shao-chi renegade clique; these criticisms have deeply educated the whole Party, army and people. The criticism of modern revisionism with the Soviet revisionist renegade clique at its centre conducted by the whole Party under Chairman Mao's leadership and the great polemics on the general line of the international communist movement especially provide most profound and vivid Marxist-Leninist education for the whole Party. The struggle between Marxism-Leninism and modern revisionism is a struggle of principle between the two lines in the international communist movement. Khrushchov, Brezhnev and company are renegades from the proletarian revolution, mad present-day social-imperialists and world storm-troopers opposing China, opposing communism and opposing the people. It is our Party's bounden internationalist duty to continue the exposure and criticism of modern revisionism with Soviet revisionism at its centre and carry the struggle through to the end. Comrades throughout the Party must combine the study of Marxism-Leninism with the criticism of modern revisionism in China and abroad, and learn to distinguish between genuine and sham Marxism and acquire a really good grasp of Marxism in the course of struggle.

2. It is necessary to wage inner-Party struggle correctly. Making a correct distinction between the two different types of contradictions - those between ourselves and the enemy and those among the people themselves - and handling them correctly are the fundamental guarantee that the Party will strengthen its unity on the basis of the principles of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and lead the proletariat and the revolutionary masses in defeating the enemy.

It is essential thoroughly to expose the few bourgeois conspirators, careerists, renegades and enemy agents, who have concealed themselves in the Party, and the hidden traitors who have illicit relations with foreign countries. Bad people invariably disguise themselves and resort to conspiracy and double-dealing. But since they are engaged in evil-doing, they are bound to expose themselves. For example, the renegade, hidden traitor and scab Liu Shao-chi who had hidden inside the Party for decades was exposed in the end; Wang Ming fled abroad and finally became a "100 per cent" traitor and enemy agent.

As for comrades in the Party who have committed errors, they must all be dealt with according to a different principle, namely, "unity, criticism, unity" and "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones" and "cure the sickness to save the patient" so as to achieve the twofold objective of clarity in ideology and unity among comrades. In explaining this principle, Chairman Mao said: "The mistakes of the past must be exposed without sparing anyone's sensibilities; it is necessary to analyse and criticize what was bad in the past with a scientific attitude so that work in the future will be done more carefully and done better. This is what is meant by 'learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones.' But our aim in exposing errors and criticizing shortcomings, like that of a doctor curing a sickness, is solely to save the patient and not to doctor him to death." Chairman Mao once again stressed this principle during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, pointing out: "Apart from those obstinate anti-Party and anti-socialist elements who have refused to mend their ways after repeated education, people should be allowed to correct their errors and be encouraged to atone for their misdeeds." This correct principle of Comrade Mao Tsetung's in handling inner-Party contradictions is different from both the Right opportunist fallacy of "inner-Party peace," which negates contradictions and confuses right and wrong, and the "Left" opportunist fallacy of "ruthless struggle and merciless blows." We should study the historical experience of inner-Party struggle waged under different historical conditions so as to enable our Party to play its leading role as the vanguard of the proletariat still better.

3. Efforts must be made to guard against arrogance. This is of particular importance to a Party which has won great victories, a Party which is in power and leads the people of all nationalities of the country in carrying out the socialist revolution and construction and a Party which shoulders great internationalist obligations to the proletariat and the oppressed people and nations of the world.

Comrade Mao Tsetung pointed out: "There have been several occasions in the history of our Party when great conceit manifested itself and we suffered in consequence. The first was in the early half of 1927. The Northern Expeditionary Army had reached Wuhan, and some comrades became so proud and overweening as to forget that the Kuomintang was about to assault us. The result was the error of the Chen Tu-hsiu line, which brought defeat to the revolution. The second occasion was in 1930. Taking advantage of Chiang Kai-shek's large-scale war against Feng Yu-hsiang and Yen Hsi-shan, the Red Army won a number of battles, and again some comrades became proud and overweening. The result was the error of the Li Li-san line, again causing some losses to the revolutionary forces. The third occasion was in 1931. The Red Army had smashed the Kuomintang's third 'encirclement and suppression' campaign and, immediately afterwards, faced with the Japanese invasion, the people throughout the country started the stormy and heroic anti-Japanese movement; and again some comrades became proud and overweening. The result was an even more serious error in the political line, which cost us about 90 per cent of the revolutionary forces that we had built up with so much toil. The fourth occasion was in 1938. The War of Resistance had begun and the united front had been established; and once again some comrades became proud and overweening. As a result they committed an error somewhat similar to the Chen Tu-hsiu line. This time the revolutionary work suffered serious damage in those places where the effects of these comrades' erroneous ideas were more especially pronounced. Comrades throughout the Party should take warning from these instances of pride and error." They should "not repeat the error of becoming conceited at the moment of success."

"Modesty helps one to go forward, whereas conceit makes one lag behind. This is a truth we must always bear in mind."

4. We should follow the theory of two points, not the theory of one point. While paying attention to the main tendency, we should take note of the other tendency which may be covered up. We must take full notice and firmly grasp the principal aspect and at the same time solve one by one the problems arising from the non-principal aspect. We should see the negative as well as the positive aspects of things. We should see the problems that have already arisen and also anticipate problems which are not yet perceived but which may arise.

During the democratic revolution, when our Party formed a united front with the bourgeoisie and alliance became the main trend, Comrade Mao Tsetung paid attention to opposing the Right tendency of "all alliance and no struggle." When the alliance between our Party and the bourgeoisie broke up and armed struggle became the main form of the revolution, Comrade Mao Tsetung paid attention to opposing the "Left" tendency of "all struggle and no alliance." On the eve of the countrywide victory of the People's War of Liberation, Chairman Mao foresaw that "there may be some Communists, who were not conquered by enemies with guns and were worthy of the name of heroes for standing up to these enemies, but who cannot withstand sugarcoated bullets; they will be defeated by sugar-coated bullets." Chairman Mao issued this call to the whole Party: "The comrades must be helped to remain modest, prudent and free from arrogance and rashness in their style of work. The comrades must be helped to preserve the style of plain living and hard struggle."

During the socialist revolution, whenever our attacks on the bourgeoisie and our victories over them become the main trend, Chairman Mao invariably reiterates various proletarian policies and reminds us to remain prudent, help more people through education and narrow the target of attack, unite with all forces that can be united, and prevent and overcome the "Left" tendency running counter to these policies. But when the bourgeoisie launches attacks on us or when our Party encounters temporary difficulties on its way forward or concentrates on correcting certain shortcomings or mistakes in work, Chairman Mao invariably reminds us to remain firm, persist in proletarian leadership, distinguish between the principal and secondary aspects, not to regard everything as positive or to negate everything, to guard against sabotage and counter-attacks by open and hidden enemies and oppose and overcome the Right tendency away from the socialist path. At every crucial moment in history when a certain tendency has developed to such extent as to endanger the cause of the Party, Chairman Mao always firmly steers the course for us with proletarian revolutionary fearlessness against the current.

5. It is necessary to adhere to the mass line. The basic line for all work in our Party is to rely on the masses, have faith in them and fully arouse them, "from the masses, to the masses," "take the ideas of the masses and concentrate them, then go to the masses, persevere in the ideas and carry them through." We adhere to the principle of maintaining independence and keeping the initiative in our own hands and relying on our own efforts precisely because we firmly believe that "the people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history."

Both in the democratic revolution and in the socialist revolution, Comrade Mao Tsetung has repeatedly stressed the importance of the mass line. He regards perseverance in the mass line as fundamental to perseverance in the dialectical-materialist theory of knowledge, and regards working for the interests of the vast majority of the people of China and the world as a requirement for successors to the revolutionary cause of the proletariat. Chairman Mao has sharply refuted the reactionary viewpoints of such pseudo-Marxists as Chen Tu-hsiu, Wang Ming and Liu Shao-chi who slandered and repressed the masses. And he has constantly criticized and corrected the various tendencies in the Party towards keeping aloof from the masses. Chairman Mao has taught us time and again: The relation of the Communist Party to the people is that of fish to water. At no time should a Communist divorce himself from the masses. Today when we have won tremendous victories in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the ties between the Party and the masses are closer than ever, we should pay still greater attention to going to the masses, showing concern for them, listening attentively to them and consulting with them as matters arise. We should run the May 7 cadre schools well. We should regularly participate in collective productive labour. It is necessary to guard against repeating the mistake of divorcing oneself from the masses. In contradistinction to the type of person who claims to be a "humble little commoner" but is actually a big careerist, we should sincerely learn from the masses while tirelessly educating them in Mao Tsetung Thought, overcome erroneous tendencies and raise the political consciousness of the people.

Chairman Mao has always showed concern for the unity of all nationalities of the country. Ours is a multinational country; it is essential to ensure good relations between the Han people and the minority nationalities. We should oppose both Han chauvinism and local nationalism, develop the fraternal relations the various nationalities have forged in the revolution and in the struggle to build the motherland, and strengthen the great unity of the people of all nationalities of the country.

6. It is necessary to uphold democratic centralism. Our Party Constitution clearly stipulates that the organizational principle of the Party is democratic centralism, that is, centralism on the basis of democracy and democracy under centralized guidance. Both inside and outside the Party, we must create a political situation in which there are both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness. Our Party is a militant party, and without centralism, discipline and unity of will, it cannot defeat the enemy. But there can be no correct centralism without democracy. Therefore, Comrade Mao Tsetung always opposes the practice of "what I say counts" and advocates the practice of "letting all people have their say." He opposes telling lies and advocates speaking the truth. He makes it a requirement for successors to the revolutionary cause of the proletariat to be bold in making criticism and self-criticism. We should give play to our Party's traditional democratic style of work, constantly make criticism and self-criticism, uphold the truth and correct mistakes. However, whether in army or in civilian work, our democracy is aimed at consolidating centralism, strengthening discipline and raising militancy, and not the opposite. Party committees at all levels must institute and strengthen the Party committee system, strengthen centralized leadership, prevent excessive decentralization and the practice of "many centres," that is, no centre, and must achieve unity in thinking, policy, plan. command and action on the basis of Mao Tsetung Thought and under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Party with Chairman Mao as its leader and Vice-Chairman Lin as its deputy leader.

7. It is necessary to build a powerful people's army. The historical experience of the Party shows that "without a people's army the people have nothing." The Chinese People's Liberation Army is a proletarian army created and led by our great leader Chairman Mao and commanded by Vice-Chairman Lin. "Our principle is that the Party commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed to command the Party." Upholding the Marxist-Leninist line, Chairman Mao has defeated sabotage by "Left" and Right opportunism, and as a result, our army has grown in strength and become the pillar of our dictatorship of the proletariat. The world will have no peace as long as there are classes, as long as there is imperialism. The two superpowers, U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionist social-imperialism, are today contending and colluding with each other and pushing politics of hegemony in a vain attempt to divide the world. Japanese militarism, too, is trying to realize its old fond dream of the "Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere." Therefore on no account must we ever overlook the danger of their aggression and subversion against our motherland. Our principle is: We will not attack unless we are attacked; if we are attacked, we will certainly counter-attack. We must never for a moment forget preparedness against war. We must at all times be ready to smash aggression and subversion by any imperialism. We are determined to liberate Taiwan. We need not only a powerful army but also a powerful air force and a powerful navy. Not only must we have a powerful regular army, we must also organize the peoples militia on a big scale. Thus, should any imperialism dare to invade our country, we will drown it in the vast ocean of people's war.

8. It is necessary to uphold proletarian internationalism. Chairman Mao has always educated the whole Party and the people of the whole country in proletarian internationalism so that they can overcome both "Left" and Right opportunist interferences and correctly handle the relation between the revolution in China and her support and aid to the world revolution.

In its struggles over the past 50 years, the Chinese Communist Party has always enjoyed the support of the world proletariat and the people of all countries, the support of friendly countries and organizations and the support of fraternal Marxist-Leninist Parties and organizations throughout the world. The victories we have won are inseparable from their support. We will be for ever grateful to them and will never forget them. Chairman Mao teaches us: "According to the Leninist viewpoint, the final victory of a socialist country not only requires the efforts of the proletariat and the broad masses of the people at home, but also involves the victory of the world revolution and the abolition of the system of exploitation of man by man over the whole globe, upon which all mankind will be emancipated." The fundamental interests of the Chinese proletariat and Chinese people are identical not only with those of the people of Albania, Viet Nam, Laos, Cambodia and Korea and all Asian, African and Latin American countries, but also with those of the people of all countries, including the people of the United States, the Soviet Union and Japan. As Chairman Mao pointed out in his statement of May 20, 1970, "The danger of a new world war still exists, and the people of all countries must get prepared. But revolution is the main trend in the world today." The task of the Chinese Communist Party is: On the one hand, to lead the proletariat and the people of the country in doing a good job in revolution and construction at home; on the other, to exert our greatest efforts to struggle together with the people of all countries to defeat the U.S. aggressors and all their running dogs, oppose the politics of hegemony pushed by the two superpowers and oppose the imperialist policies of aggression and war. This is our principled stand which is firm and unshakable. Although we have achieved some success in our revolution and construction, our country is still comparatively poor and backward. Our contribution to the world revolution is still very small. We must continue our efforts. But even when China becomes a strong socialist country after several decades, we should never become tainted with arrogant great-power chauvinism or big-party chauvinism either. We should always remember Chairman Mao's teaching: "In our international relations, we Chinese people should get rid of great-power chauvinism resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely." Every nation, big or small, has its strong and weak points. We should learn from the strong points of the revolutionary people of other countries and always unite with them, fight side by side and win victory together.

Thousands upon thousands of martyrs dedicated their lives to the cause of liberation of the people of China and the world in protracted, arduous struggle. Their revolutionary spirit is for ever an inspiration to us. Whatever the difficulties and hardships, nothing can stop our advance.

We are living in the era in which imperialism is heading for total collapse and socialism is advancing to worldwide victory. Compared with the days when the Chinese Communist Party was born 50 years ago, the revolutionary situation throughout the world today is excellent; it is better than ever before. The final destruction of imperialism, revisionism and the reactionaries is not far off.

Unite to win still greater victories!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought!

Long live the great, glorious and correct Communist Party of China!

Long live the victory of Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line!

Long live the great leader Chairman Mao! A long, long life to Chairman Mao!