Some scholars have described the relationship between China and the U.S. as spinning into a free fall, with efforts at dialogue achieving few results. The U.S. has implemented various measures against China. There are sanctions against Chinese companies, so-called bills that interfere in China's internal affairs regarding Taiwan, Hong Kong, Xinjiang and Tibet, visa cancellations for Chinese students and a clamor to decouple from China. These are all discouraging, and we don't know when and how it will end. 

The upcoming U.S. general election, the rampant novel coronavirus disease pandemic and a global recession, along with mounting populism and political radicalism and extremism in the U.S., are pushing China-U.S. relations to their worst point in decades, maybe even falling into the so-called "Thucydides trap," the notion that a rivalry between an established power and a rising power often leads to war. 

Constructive and institutional approaches are needed to manage differences and respond to possible crises. No one can predict what will happen if the conflicts between China and the U.S., namely the world's largest developing and developed countries, spiral out of control. This is a real danger and may lead to Cold War 2.0 or even a hot war that is disastrous for the entire world. 

Whether China and the U.S. can keep their relations on the track of peaceful development will ultimately determine the future of our two countries and the world at large. The most critical issue in bilateral relationship is that they should take measures to prevent hostility toward each other. Our two countries have the responsibility to uphold world peace. 

Besides the adjustments of U.S. geopolitical strategies and a zero-sum-game theory, another factor pushing China-U.S. relations toward deterioration is the uncertainties arising from the U.S. presidential election, which somehow leads to candidates calling for a deteriorating relationship with China so as to win more votes. China is always regarded as a rival during election years, as contenders use China as a handy scapegoat for every problem they face. Thus the 100 days or so in the run-up to the U.S. presidential election are critical. 

China follows the principle of non-interference in others' internal affairs. Yet some in the U.S. are eager to drag China into their electoral politics. And then they actually turn around and accuse China of meddling in U.S. internal affairs and attempting to sway elections. In reality, no matter who wins the White House or what happens with China-U.S. relations, the Chinese Government will always prioritize its own development and has no intention to meddle in U.S. elections.  

The ideological differences between the two countries are also increasingly becoming a playing card for the U.S. to demonize and call for decoupling from China, evidenced by U.S. actions in the past several months. Some U.S. politicians have turned to attacking the Communist Party of China (CPC) more, rather than China, while playing the blame game in an attempt to sever the close ties between the CPC and the Chinese people. This will by no means solve the problems between China and the U.S., but only further damage bilateral ties. 

China-U.S. relations should not be driven by ideologies because this will only drag it into a dead end. Dialogue between the two sides is all the more important. China stands ready to work with the U.S. to advance bilateral relationship based on coordination, cooperation and stability so as to avoid the tragic Thucydides trap. The two countries can at least promote a manageable relationship of competition and cooperation. As Dr. Henry Kissinger proposed, the two countries "should pursue their domestic imperatives, cooperate where possible and adjust their relations to minimize conflict."  

The author is former president of the China International Publishing Group

Copyedited by Rebeca Toledo 

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