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Opinion
Print Edition> Opinion
UPDATED: July 14, 2014 NO. 29 July 17, 2014
Securing the Region
By Lan Xinzhen
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The new Asian security concept put forward by Chinese President Xi Jinping at the Fourth Summit of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia in April is now gaining traction in the region, and gradually winning wide recognition and positive reception from reviewers. It is sincerely hoped that this new security platform will be able to foster greater defense cooperation among Asian countries, having been specifically developed to fit the modern-day needs of this fast-growing region.

President Xi's new conceptualization covers four main areas: common security, comprehensive security, cooperative security, and sustainable security. Xi's platform comes at a time when defense cooperation in Asia is comparatively lagging, short of an overall security framework under which action may be taken. In the region today, too, some still passionately cling to outdated security concepts. Their approach goes against the lessons of history and is detrimental to Asia's security, stability and development. People across the continent deserve a plan of action better suited to the demands of the 21st century.

As mentioned in President Xi's plan, the first tenet, common security, means respecting and ensuring every country's safekeeping—regardless of size, economic wealth, or military might. It's unacceptable for one country to sit by and watch, fully protected, while another scrambles to patch holes in security or fight uphill battles. However, by no means should one country's safety be sacrificed for the so-called "absolute security" of another. Protection is a privilege that should be enjoyed equally. All countries have the right to participate in regional security affairs on an equal footing, thus bearing similar responsibilities in maintaining that standard. Seeking a monopoly in these affairs would only harm other states' legitimate rights and interests.

Comprehensive security, the second area mentioned in the new conceptualization, calls for upholding security in both conventional and unconventional fields. The defense of Asia faces traditional challenges and those yet unknown, posed by terrorism, transnational crimes, environmental pollution, online hacking, energy deficits, natural disasters, and more.

Cooperative security, next, means promoting regional safety through dialogue and diplomacy. Asia's safekeeping, as advocated by President Xi, depends on the wisdom and capability of leaders throughout the region to maintain stable peace through cooperation. However, due to the sheer size of the region and interests of outside players, the new Asian security concept does not seek to exclude the participation of other countries. As President Xi pointed out, Asian countries should be committed to collaborating with nations in other regions as well as international organizations. Their constructive roles in promoting the shared long-term interests of Asia will help create a win-win outcome for all.

The proposition of sustainable security means reaching lasting peace through paying equal attention to both the development and security of nations. Economic growth, social progress and improved livelihoods contribute to security, while poverty and underdevelopment foster instability and unrest.

The United States and Japan have also put forward protection outlines for the Asian region. In essence, they focus on the formation of military coalitions. While some nations might be asked to join such a coalition, others might be seen as targets. Such a scheme is likely to split Asia. Not to mention, this is an outdated concept, one that first arose in Europe with the military coalition NATO at its center. Now the United States and Japan are attempting to transplant it to Asia, aiming to set up a security framework centered on the longstanding U.S.-Japan alliance. Apart from marginalizing China's key role in safeguarding Asia, this concept brings no independent security to the region: The two countries would theoretically want outsized influence in matters, overstepping other nations' sovereignty.

Moreover, the sort of plan proposed by the United States and Japan has historically tended to result in more wars and disasters than security. In just the past few decades, international American intervention has led to a decrease in internal stability, with Iraq and Afghanistan as prime examples. Also, before the implementation of the Washington's "Asia-Pacific rebalancing strategy," the South China Sea was relatively peaceful; since then, its waters have become one of the most hotly contested areas in Asia. Thus, most Asian countries are able to see the true nature of the "security concept" as advocated by these two countries.

China has put forth a suggested plan of action, with both great sincerity and firm determination to realize its implementation. Though the Philippines and Viet Nam may dispute territorial borders in the South China Sea, the Chinese Government still maintains a candid disposition and advocates the settlement of disputes through dialogue and negotiation. Suppose Central American countries caused a similar disturbance in Puerto Rico—would America's reaction be similar to China's restrained response?

China has always stressed the importance of maintaining security through increased development, and of promoting that safety through cooperation. As an example, the Chinese Government has proposed the strategic projects of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, which serve to strengthen regional communication and connectivity. In this vein, Asian countries should support an effective, multilateral security outline that enhances mutual understanding, trust, and cooperation in the region, all from the perspective of promoting stability and development.

Email us at: lanxinzhen@bjreview.com



 
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