U.S. President George W. Bush's working visit to China on February 21-22 is instrumental in the development of Sino-U.S. relations, which has been eventful since Bush assumed office a year ago.

Foreign policy follows a nation's overall strategy. Maintaining and strengthening its leading role in the new world structure in the early years of the 21st century is the main aim of the U.S. Government. Generally speaking, a discrepancy exists between the policies of the Republican and Democratic parties, as the former places more emphasis on a big stick policy theoretically based on political realism. Since the Republicans' victory in the general elections and Bush's assumption of presidency, the United States has pursued a hard-line foreign policy, and given unilateralism importance.

The United States unilaterally halted the process of detente with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), bombed Iraq, received "foreign minister" of Chechnya Ilyas Akhmadov, deported Russian "spies," threatened to retreat from the Kyoto Protocol despite the objections of its European allies, and insisted on the development of missile defense systems. Its high-handed international behavior was also manifested in its relations with China.

In early 2001, U.S. political circles started to speak of China as a "strategic rival." As conservative forces in the administration appeared to prevail, the mid-air collision between a U.S. spy plane and a Chinese fighter over the South China Sea greatly frayed Sino-American ties. "China threat" theory was then toyed with by the American media, and the U.S. military started to consider the possibility of the eastward expansion of its deployment forces. Other elements that have negative effects on Sino-U.S. ties, especially on security and Taiwan issues, also became conspicuous. Sino-U.S. ties were frayed by a series of steps taken by the U.S. Government, including meeting with the Dalai Lama, giving a visa to Lee Teng-hui, permitting Taiwan leader Chen Shuibian's transits, putting forward an anti-China motion at last year's session of the UN Commission on Human Rights, and upgrading arms sale to Taiwan.

However, from an overall and developmental perspective, Sino-U.S. ties cannot be defined as destined to be antagonistic for the following reasons: First, from an international relations point of view, the policy to contain China can hardly work in the face of globalization and multi-polarization. Second, the United States must seek international cooperation to maintain its own national interests. Frozen Sino-U.S. relations will undermine the long-term basic interests of the United States, though they may serve the short-term interests of some groups. Third, judging from the interactive relations of the two countries, the Chinese Government never sacrifices its principles in dealing with bilateral relations, adhering to the principles of "reasonability, favorableness and restraint," while taking the entire situation into consideration and making great efforts to maintain the steady development of bilateral relations.

After the mid-air collision crisis was over, the United States softened its tone toward China, and publicly renounced the definition of bilateral relations as strategic rivals. At his meeting with visiting U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell in late July 2001, Chinese President Jiang Zemin affirmed the historical significance of the normalization of bilateral relations. Jiang said the development of bilateral ties benefits the people of both China and the United States, as well as those of other nations. 'The two countries should show great foresight and contribute to peace and development of the world, as we have entered a new century," he added in a commentary on future Sino-U.S. relations.

Then the United States suddenly suffered great losses during the September 11 terrorist attacks. The occurrence of this tragedy was both incidental and inevitable, demonstrating that conflicts can sometimes evolve into poignant clashes that leave a deep impact on the world.

Since the September 11 terrorist attacks, anti-terrorism has topped the agenda of the United States, and the U.S. Government has had to revise its unilateral posture, and readjust its order of priority about foreign policy targets. The United States' quest for international support during its anti-terrorism campaign has both directly and indirectly influenced the readjustment of relations among big powers as well as regional security, thus providing opportunity for the democratization process of international relations.

The Chinese Government has clearly expressed its stand on fighting international terrorism, which poses a great threat to world peace and stability. First, China resolutely objects to and condemns all forms of international terrorism, and expressed heartfelt sympathy to the victims and condolences to the people who lost loved ones on September 11. Second, the international community should strengthen dialogue and cooperation in its joint efforts to combat international terrorism. Third, anti-terrorism military operations should have definite targets and avoid hurting the innocent. Meanwhile, the UN and its Security Council should play a major role in the international anti-terrorism campaign. Fourth, since terrorism falls under the category of evil extreme forces, it should not be linked with any ethnic groups or religions. Fifth, China is also harmed by terrorism, and the struggle against "East Turkistan" terrorist forces constitutes an important part of the global campaign against terrorism.

Preventing China from growing into U.S. future rival was the initial aim of its China policy in early 2001. In the wake of the September 11 tragedy, however, the United States needs to adjust its foreign agenda. It expressed a desire to cooperate with China, whose help it would need during the anti-terrorism campaign. Chinese President Jiang Zemin talked with his U.S. counterpart over the phone, as requested, saying China is willing to engage in dialogue and collaboration with the United States and the international community. Hence, Sino-U.S. relations have found new common ground and a new basis for cooperation, as anti-terrorism is now a top priority of the U.S. Government, and China is against all forms of terrorism. However, the two countries need to enhance their communication on topics of the definition of terrorism and ways to combat it.

U.S. President Bush attended the APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting in Shanghai in late October 2001 as scheduled, in spite of his urgent anti-terrorism campaign tasks both in and outside the United States. Chinese President Jiang Zemin and President Bush exchanged views on a series of key issues during their first summit meeting. They agreed to promote a "constructive and cooperative relationship" between China and the United States, based on overall development trends in the international situation and on the basic interests of both countries. Sino-U.S. relations are now off to a fresh start.

The date on which U.S. President Bush arrives in China coincides with the 30th anniversary of former U.S. President Richard Nixon's China visit in 1972. Sino-U.S. relations have undergone differences and hardships in the past, and even a long period of Cold War. However, history shows that cooperation between the two countries benefits both, and confrontation hurts both.

The international situation since the events of September 11 shows that China's comprehensive strength and development strategy should not be viewed as a threat to the United States. In recent years, effective collaboration between China and the United States in a series of key issues has greatly promoted mutual interests and contributed to regional and world peace and development. The two countries should respect each other, agree to disagree, never interfere in the other's internal affairs, and try to enlarge their common ground. They can coordinate clashes in interests through negotiation, clear up doubt on different values through dialogue, and try to build a crisis management mechanism to handle contradictions, preventing them from escalation to confrontations.

The foundation of future Sino-U.S. relations lies where the two nations' national interests mingle. The fusions and contradictions of their national interests determine that cooperation and divergence will coexist for a considerably long period of time. Despite their differences, the two nations have a wide foundation for mutual benefit and cooperation. In an era of peace and development, these two influential countries shoulder more, instead of less, responsibility for maintaining stability in the Asia-Pacific region. With the process of economic globalization and the acceleration of technological innovation, economic interdependence on each other strengthens, not lessens, the sphere of Sino-U.S. economic cooperation. As the world marches toward multi-polarization, some global and regional issues can only be solved through cooperation of the international community. In all, common interests and the necessity to coordinate between China and the United States are growing.

The two countries can choose to cooperate in four fields of bilateral relations-security, economy, ideology and the Taiwan issue.

Maintaining sound Sino-U.S. relations is vital to regional and world peace. Dispelling hostility and fostering mutual trust between the two permanent members of the UN Security Council and nuclear powers, according to the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence, is of great strategic significance to the current and future world situation.

Mutual complementarities are obvious in terms of economic relations between the largest developing country and the biggest developed one in the world. China can learn management expertise from the United States, which enjoys advanced economic, scientific and technological development. And, after practicing its opening-up policy for more than two decades and recently entering the WTO, China possesses huge market potentials. Exchanges and economic cooperation that benefit both should become the foundation of bilateral ties. Disputes and disagreements in the course of economic exchanges and cooperation can be solved through negotiations. Sanctions and revenge never help in this area.

Ideological differences between the two countries are unavoidable, because of their different cultural traditions, historical experiences and social systems. However, different cultures and social systems can co-exist and complement one another in a diversified world. Differences should initiate exchanges, not become pretexts for interfering in other's internal affairs.

The Taiwan issue is China's internal affair. The Chinese Government will insist on the basic principle of "peaceful reunification and one country, two systems." However, the Taiwan issue-the most sensitive one at the core of Sino-U.S. ties-often drags their relations out of the normal orbit. The Chinese Government and people share a firm stand in maintaining national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Taiwan's status as an inalienable part of China brooks no charge. The three Sino-U.S. Joint Communiques form the basic framework in dealing with bilateral ties and the Taiwan issue.

Sino-U.S. ties can hardly be described in one word. A simple "rival" or "opponent" can never summarize the rich content of their relationship. No matter in what direction the bilateral ties develop, its significance is strategic and unitary.

China and the United States can develop sound and stable relationships in many fields.

To safeguard global and regional peace and stability. China's economic construction needs a peaceful environment, and the United States' interests in the Asia-Pacific region cannot afford regional turbulence. The two sides can discuss regional cooperation, including that of maintaining the non-nuclear zone in the Korea Peninsula and regional stability.

To develop bilateral economic ties. China is the second largest trading partner of the United States; and the United States is China's fourth biggest trading partner. China and the United States have a bright outlook of cooperation, especially after China joined the WTO late last year. On the other hand, new obstacles and problems may appear as economic cooperation deepens. The two nations should also strengthen negotiations under the frameworks of Sino-U.S. Joint Economic Committee (JEC) and Sino-U.S. Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade (JCCT).

To cooperate within the structure of the UN. The United States can barely make achievement without China's support.

To cooperate in the field of disarmament and arms control. In spite of their differences on the NMD system, China and the United States' joint efforts facilitated the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. The two sides are also engaged in collaboration on the non-proliferation of weapons.

China and the United States can also collaborate in terms of combating international terrorism, organized crime, drug trafficking, illegal migrants and the counterfeiting and laundering of money, protecting energy and environment, and promoting scientific and technological as well as educational and cultural exchanges. The two sides may also talk on human rights issues at different levels equally and respectfully, discuss the establishment of crisis prevention and control mechanism, including the Military Maritime Consultative Agreement (MMCA) and the channels of dialogue and communication in security fields.

The author is Deputy President of China Institute of International Studies