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Cover Stories Series 2013> China-India Border Talks> Archive
UPDATED: January 4, 2013 NO. 1 JANUARY 3, 2013
A New Phase of Integration
As East Asian nations strengthen cooperation despite frictions, the United States plays a questionable role
By Shi Yongming
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The biggest fallout of the 2008 financial crisis was the blow it dealt to the United States' hegemonic status in the world. The core idea of U.S. President Barack Obama is to renew the leadership of the United States, centering on its guaranteed dominance in the Asia-Pacific region. To this end, Washington has completely ignored the existing cooperation pattern in the region led by ASEAN and declared its leadership of East Asia to shape the future of the Asia-Pacific region.

In addition to laying down economic rules for the region through promoting the TPP, an essential motive of Washington's East Asia strategy is to enhance and expand its political and military alliance system in the region. Considering China's rise and its declining power, the United States put forward the rebalancing strategy. According to the strategy, 60 percent of U.S. warships would be deployed in the Asia-Pacific region by 2020.

A salient feature of Washington's Asia-Pacific strategy adjustment is that it attempts to reinforce U.S. leadership through an emphasis on military alliances. In November 2011, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton gave a speech titled America's Pacific Century, in which she put forward six key lines of action. Atop the list was strengthening bilateral security alliances, while regional cooperation was given short shrift by Clinton, who said only Washington will engage with regional multilateral institutions. The strong military tone of the U.S. Asia-Pacific strategy has not only increased the confrontational atmosphere of big powers in the region, but also produced a great negative effect on regional political cooperation and mutual trust.

Structural flaws

The reason why Washington's strategic shift could impact East Asia rests on the inherent structural flaws of the region. Island disputes exist among some East Asian countries for historical reasons, creating barricades for the development of political mutual trust.

In consideration of the complicated historical context, China has consistently insisted on shelving disputes in the East China Sea and the South China Sea to focus on joint development in a bid to maintain friendly ties with neighboring countries. However, driven by profits as well as external support, some countries have taken advantage of China's self-restraint by vigorously expanding their interests in disputed areas. The Philippines, which claims sovereignty over China's Huangyan Island, provoked disputes with China in April last year. And under the implicit support of the United States, the Philippine Government went out of its way to urge other ASEAN nations to adopt a common position on China. During the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting in July 2012, the Philippines doggedly required the Huangyan Island issue to be included in the ASEAN statement, which finally resulted in the failure to issue a statement following a foreign ministers' meeting for the first time in ASEAN's 45-year history.

Also, against the backdrop of the U.S. strategic shift, the Japanese Government "purchased" three islands in the disputed Diaoyu Islands from their Japanese owner last September, ignoring a tacit agreement between Chinese and Japanese leaders several decades ago on shelving disputes on the islands. The United States said it takes no position on the islands dispute, but it conducted joint military exercises with Japan while claiming that the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty applies to the Diaoyu Islands. The 2013 National Defense Authorization Act approved by the U.S. Congress in December 2012 also states the Diaoyu Islands issue falls under the scope of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. Moreover, the act calls for selling F16-C/D fighter jets to Taiwan. The Chinese Foreign Ministry has expressed concern and opposition.

It is clear that Washington has capitalized on structural flaws in East Asia to maintain its dominant position in the region. The practice of the United States could eventually result in a potential security hazard for the region and it has already aroused the concern of East Asian countries. Therefore, East Asian countries' aspirations for common development will compete with U.S. attempts to seek influence over the regional order as it is being reshaped.

The author is an associate research fellow with the China Institute of International Studies

Email us at: yanwei@bjreview.com

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