Chairman Hua points out that as far as ideology and theory are concerned, the eleventh struggle between the two lines in our Party has unfolded around the question of whether to uphold or to vitiate the theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. It is the salient feature of this struggle. The "gang of four" completely perverted Chairman Mao's great theory and the Party's basic line for the entire historical period of socialism and Chairman Mao's comprehensive thesis on the question of capitalist-roaders inside the Party. They dished up a counter-revolutionary political programme which equated veteran cadres with "democrats" and "democrats" with "capitalist-roaders." They slanderously alleged that there was "a bourgeois class" inside the Party and the army and altogether reversed the relationship of the people to the enemy in the historical period of socialism. They vainly attempted to overthrow a large number of revolutionary leading cadres in the Party, the government and the army, hoping to destroy our Party and our army, overthrow the dictatorship of the proletariat and restore capitalism. Armed with the weapon of Mao Tsetung Thought, Chairman Hua makes a penetrating criticism of the counter-revolutionary political programme of the "gang of four." He states that so long as supreme Party and state power rests with a leading core that adheres to the Marxist-Leninist line, the capitalist-roaders cannot possibly grow into a bourgeois class inside the Party because they are a mere handful and, what is more, they are being constantly exposed and weeded out. The overwhelming majority of the veteran cadres in the Party are certainly not bourgeois democrats, they are proletarian revolutionaries. The basic principles of the "three do's and three don'ts" put forward by Chairman Mao point out the essential criteria for identifying capitalist-roaders in the Party. Adhering to these criteria, we will be able to guide the cadres and the masses in accurately identifying and completely isolating absolutely unrepentant capitalist-roaders like Liu Shao-chi, Lin Piao and the "gang of four," and concentrate our attack on them.

Chairman Hua says that smashing the anti-Party "gang of four" is yet another signal victory achieved in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. He stresses the tremendous achievements and historic significance of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. He points out that the Cultural Revolution will go down in the history of the dictatorship of the proletariat as a momentous innovation. Now that the gang has been overthrown, we are able to achieve stability and unity and attain great order across the land in compliance with Chairman Mao's instructions. Thus, the smashing of the "gang of four" marks the triumphant conclusion of our first Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, which lasted eleven years. But this certainly does not mean the end of class struggle or the end of the continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. He calls on us to follow Chairman Mao's teachings and carry the continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat through to the end.

Chairman Hua analyses the present excellent international situation in his report and points out that while the factors for revolution are growing, so obviously are the factors for war. The two powers, the Soviet Union and the United States, are the source of a new world war, and Soviet social-imperialism in particular presents the greater danger. The people of all countries must heighten their vigilance, close their ranks and wage unrelenting struggles. He says that we should hold high the great banner of Chairman Mao, adhere to proletarian internationalism and continue to carry out Chairman Mao's revolutionary line in foreign affairs. We should enhance our unity with the socialist countries, with the proletariat and the oppressed people and nations throughout the world, enhance our unity with the countries of the third world, unite with all countries subjected to aggression, subversion, interference, control and bullying by imperialism and social-imperialism and form the broadest united front against the hegemonism of the two superpowers, the Soviet Union and the United States. We should establish and develop our relations with other countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. We should strengthen our unity with all genuine Marxist-Leninist Parties and organizations the world over and carry through to the end the struggle against modern revisionism with the Soviet revisionist renegade clique as its centre.

Chairman Hua makes an incisive exposition of Chairman Mao's thesis differentiating the three worlds. He says that this thesis sets forth the correct orientation for the present struggle in the international arena and clearly defines the main revolutionary forces, the chief enemies, and the middle forces that can be won over and united, thus enabling the international proletariat to unite with all the forces that can be united to form the broadest united front in class struggles against the chief enemies in the world arena. It is the correct strategic and tactical formulation for the international proletariat in the present era and constitutes the class line in its international struggles.

Chairman Hua points out that the successful conclusion of the first Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution has ushered in a new period of development in China's socialist revolution and socialist construction. The situation is excellent and popular feeling favours order. A new leap forward is shaping up in the national economy, spurred on by the great class struggle to expose and criticize the "gang of four." The revolution on the scientific and technological front and in education, literature and art, and health work is forging ahead.

Chairman Hua points out: The gist of the Central Committee's strategic decision to grasp the key link of class struggle and bring about great order across the land is to hold high and defend the great banner of Chairman Mao, carry the tremendous struggle to expose and criticize the "gang of four" through to the end by fully mobilizing the masses and uniting with all the forces that can be united, eliminate the pernicious influence of the gang's counter-revolutionary revisionist line, consolidate and expand our successes in the eleventh struggle between the two lines, and comprehensively and correctly implement Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line in political, economic, military, cultural and foreign affairs.

In the report, Chairman Hua further explains the Party's eight main fighting tasks for the present and for some time to come as dictated by the decision to grasp the key link of class struggle and bring about great order across the land. These eight points are: We must carry the great struggle to expose and criticize the "gang of four" through to the end; we must do a good job of Party consolidation and rectification and strengthen Party building; we must do a good job of consolidating and building up our Party's leading bodies at all levels; we must grasp revolution, promote production and push the national economy forward; we must make a success of the revolution in cultural and educational spheres and strive to develop socialist culture and education; we must strengthen the people's state apparatus; we must promote democracy and strengthen democratic centralism; and we must implement the policy of overall consideration and all-round arrangement so as to mobilize all positive forces to build socialism. Chairman Hua says that we must further arouse the masses and vigorously wage a people's war to thoroughly expose and criticize the ultra-Right essence of the gang's counter-revolutionary revisionist line and all its manifestations. Investigation into the individuals involved in and the incidents connected with the conspiracy of the "gang of four" to usurp Party and state power is an important part of the struggle and must be done by fully mobilizing the masses. At the same time, as the movement develops in depth, we must pay greater attention to the Party's policies, unite more than 95 per cent of the cadres and the masses, isolate to the maximum the "gang of four" and the handful of their sworn followers who are guilty of serious crimes and are unwilling to repent, and concentrate our blows on them.

Chairman Hua declares that the Central Committee has decided that the Fifth National People's Congress will be convened at an appropriate time, and the Fifth National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference will go into session with the National People's Congress simultaneously. We must earnestly exert ourselves to mobilize all positive factors inside and outside the Party, strengthen the great unity of the whole Party, the whole army and the people of all our nationalities in the common struggle to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and build up our great socialist motherland.

Chairman Hua's political report which lasted four hours was punctuated by thunderous applause.

At 3:30 on the afternoon of August 13 the congress held its second plenary session. Amid warm applause Vice-Chairman Yeh Chien-ying made the report on the revision of the Constitution of the Party on behalf of the Central Committee.

Vice-Chairman Yeh first points out that Comrade Hua Kuo-feng was chosen by Chairman Mao himself as his successor. As has been proved in practice, the line of the Central Committee headed by Chairman Hua is entirely correct politically and organizationally. Chairman Hua is worthy of being called Chairman Mao's good student and successor, the wise leader of our Party and people and the brilliant supreme commander of our army. Chairman Hua can certainly continue to carry forward our proletarian revolutionary cause pioneered by Chairman Mao and lead our Party, our army and the people of all nationalities triumphantly into the 21st century.

Vice-Chairman Yeh points out that the "gang of four" sabotaged Party building in their vain attempt to transform our Party in the image of the bourgeoisie. In accordance with Chairman Mao's teachings on Party building and with the fresh experience of the eleventh struggle between the two lines, we should make necessary revisions in the Party Constitution adopted at the Tenth Congress.

Vice-Chairman Yeh gives valuable explanations on the following eight points concerning the draft of the revised Party Constitution: holding high and defending the great banner of Chairman Mao; the character and the guiding ideology of the Party; the basic programme of the Party in the entire historical period of socialism and its basic tasks; the basic principles of the "three do's and three don'ts"; democratic centralism in the Party; the line of the Party on cadres; keeping to and carrying forward the Party's fine tradition and fine style of work; and requirements for Party members and primary Party organizations.