Seeking a solution

Judging from past experience, methods for resolving issues of international concern are limited to diplomatic negotiations, mandatory sanctions and military action.

Sanctions have been applied in both cases and have produced little effect so far. Military actions are still less handy tools to be used lightly. The war with Iraq has proved to be disastrous for both Iraq and the United States. Apart from human, material and financial losses, it served as a negative example for countries with ambitions for weapon of mass destruction. That is, if Saddam Hussein had acted quickly to attain nuclear armament capacity, the United States might have had second thoughts before starting Desert Storm and Operation Iraqi Freedom and the fate of Saddam might have been entirely different.

With negotiations suspended, military options out and sanctions not working, will there ever be any solution? What can the international community do to put the shaky non-proliferation regime on hold?

To find a solution to this issue, we need to diagnose its root cause first.

If we try to read the minds of the two countries, it is not too difficult to discern a sense of insecurity behind all the troubles confronting us. The feeling of being threatened gave rise to the urge to acquire nuclear weapons either as deterrence or as a means to defend oneself. Therefore, the first and foremost action of the international community to take is to build mutual trust and improve relations among the parties concerned. This would help remove underlying security concerns and reduce the incentives to go nuclear.

When talking with Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, the DPRK's top leader Kim Jong Il clearly expressed what his country wanted: The hostile relationship between the United States and the DPRK must be changed into a peaceful one through bilateral talks. It is clear that improved bilateral ties between the United States and the DPRK and the removal of the security concerns of the latter would pave the way for meaningful progress toward a denuclearized Korean Peninsula.

Equally important, double standards should be abandoned, so that no nation would expect positive recognition of whatever nature for its nuclear ambitions. In this regard, the case of India is a telling example. Having conducted nuclear testing and declared itself a nuclear weapons state, India received unanimous international condemnation. But, after a short period of sanctions, the United States not only pardoned India, but also awarded it a bilateral nuclear pact, later approved by the Nuclear Suppliers Group, allowing the United States to lift its nuclear trade embargo so India could access U.S. civilian nuclear technologies.

The U.S.-India nuclear deal certainly opens the door to countries eager to cross the nuclear threshold. That is, if they persevere and succeed in their nuclear programs, their positions would be greatly strengthened and they might ultimately receive similar recognition. With such a prospect in sight, why give up?

Besides, international cooperation for the peaceful use of nuclear energy should be enhanced, so that the nuclear genie, whether in or out of the bottle, is harnessed, which serves the interests of all. In this respect, the IAEA should and could play a vital role. International cooperation should be strengthened—together with non-proliferation efforts. Safeguards should be strengthened and universality of NPT membership should be achieved.

Last but not least, progress in nuclear disarmament is needed to reassure the world that a nuclear-free world is not merely a slogan, but a goal for all.

Though the challenges are daunting, we cannot afford to be disheartened. So far, neither Iran nor the DPRK has totally shut the door on dialogue.

During Wen's Pyongyang visit in October, Kim Jong Il said denuclearization was the will of late leader Kim Il Song and there had been no change on the part of his country to achieve that goal. He also told Wen the DPRK would return to multilateral negotiations, including the six-party talks. Upon concluding his visit to the DPRK in early December, Stephen Bosworth, President Obama's special envoy, said "there is common understanding with the DPRK on the need to implement the 2005 joint statement and to resume the six-party process."

Iran, on the other hand, has all along insisted on the peaceful nature of its nuclear program. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has repeatedly expressed willingness to cooperate with the international community on condition that Iran's right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy is not in any way jeopardized.

So, we still stand a chance. Whether negotiations are successful depends on the political will and wisdom of parties concerned.

The author is vice president and director general of the United Nations Association of China